再比如说，第二个议题：“施琅是不是民族英雄？”如果交给十个对历史毫无兴趣的官僚来讨论，答案很可能还是一致的：“爱是不是，根本没听说过这人。”可要是交给十个具有独立思想的知识分子讨论，结果可能就得打起来。
第二个原因是：社会上还有着很多的缺乏独立思考能力而且懵懵懂懂的人，他们是非常懒于思考的，只要高声地、喋喋不休地向他们鼓吹一套什么，他们很容易就会接受。
第三个原因是：塑造出一个强大的敌人形象，这有助于团结和吸纳更多的“我们自己人”。——因为我们受到强大敌人的威胁，所以必须紧密地团结在一起。所以一个聪明的独裁者是非常善于制造敌人的。
嗯，这样下去的结果会是什么呢？
外国专家接着说：如果社会或者国家比个人更重要，那么，这就会导致只有那些为社会共同目标而奋斗的人才会被认为是这个社会的成员，进而，个人的存在意义仅仅在于成为团体的一分子，而不在于个人的特质。而“把从前许多人独立行使的权力集中在某个单个集团的手里，会使权力膨胀到前所未有的程度，其影响极为深广，几乎使它变成了另外一样东西。”
下面我们还是直接看看一段原文摘要好了：
Advancement within a totalitarian group or party depends largely on a willingness to do immoral things. The principle that the end justifies the means, which in individualist ethics is regarded as the denial of all morals, in collectivist ethics becomes necessarily the supreme rule. There is literally nothing which the consistent collectivist must not be prepared to do if it serves ‘the good of the whole’, because that is to him the only criterion of what ought to be done. Once you admit that the individual is merely a means to serve the ends of the higher entity called society or the nation, most of those features of totalitarianism which horrify us follow of necessity.
From the collectivist standpoint intolerance and brutal suppression of dissent, deception and spying, the complete disregard of the life and happiness of the individual are essential and unavoidable. Acts which revolt all our feelings, such as the shooting of hostages or the killing of the old or sick, are treated as mere matters of expediency; the compulsory uprooting and transportation of hundreds of thousands becomes an instrument of policy approved by almost everybody except the victims.
To be a useful assistant in the running of a totalitarian state, therefore, a man must be prepared to break every moral rule he has ever known if this seems necessary to achieve the end set for him. In the totalitarian machine there will be special opportunities for the ruthless and unscrupulous. Neither the Gestapo nor the administration of a concentration camp, neither the Ministry of Propaganda nor the SA or SS (or their Russian counterparts) are suitable places for the exercise of humanitarian feelings. Yet it is through such positions that the road to the highest positions in the totalitarian state leads.
A distinguished American economist, Professor Frank H.Knight, correctly notes that the authorities of a collectivist state ‘would have to do these things whether they wanted to or not: and the probability of the people in power being individuals who would dislike the possession and exercise of power is on a level with the probability that an extremely tender-hearted person would get the job of whipping master in a slave plantation’.
最后我们回顾一下，如果抛开世袭的权力不谈，那么，弗兰克·奈特的话确实是值得认真体会的：“倘若一个人对权力并没有太大的欲望，那么，如果这个人居然能够当权，包惜弱就也能投靠到奴隶主手下做一名挥着皮鞭的严厉监工了。”
——不会告诉我你不知道包惜弱是谁吧？她可是杨康的妈！
不会告诉我你还没想到这位外国专家是谁吧？他是哈耶克。
参考一下他山之石还是有必要的。好了，我们回头再看《周易》，从“飞龙在天”到“亢龙有悔”，再到“群龙无首”，是不是有了些新的体会呢？
“群龙无首”被捧到最高位置，是不是暗含着对“飞龙在天”的反动呢？
有人可能会一撇嘴：“感悟归感悟，可也不能悟得太离谱了吧？两千多年前的人能有这么前卫的思想么？”
哎，这还真不是没有可能。
我这么说，当然是有依据的。这依据暂且不谈，先请大家欣赏两首诗：
大快人心事，揪出四人帮。
政治流氓文痞，狗头军师张。
还有精生白骨，自比则天武后，铁帚扫而光。
篡党夺权者，一枕梦黄梁。
野心大，阴谋毒，诡计狂。
真是罪该万死，迫害红太阳。
接班人是俊杰，遗志继承果断，功绩何辉煌。
拥护华主席，拥护党中央。
——《水调歌头·粉碎四人帮》
再来一首新诗：
《题毛主席在飞机中工作的摄影》
在一万公尺的高空，
在图—104的飞机之上，